I 

Japanese 
Diplomacy  and 
Force  in  Korea 


Published  by 

KOREAN  NATIONAL  ASSOCIATION 
May  1,  1919 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/japanesediplomacOOmacl 


Japanese  Diplomacy  and  Force 
in  Korea 

By  Arthur  MacLennan. 


KOREA  has  appealed  to  the  world  for 
freedom.  Oppressed  for  fourteen  years  by 
Japan’s  military  and  unjust  rule,  the 
twenty  million  people  of  the  once  Hermit 
Kingdom,  one  of  the  most  unique  and  ancient 
races  in  the  world,  with  a wonderful  history 
that  has  scarcely  any  parallel,  is  seeking 
deliverance  from  a yoke  which  has  become 
intollerable. 

Korea’s  appeal  is  opportune  and  not  only 
merits  but  demands  the  earnest  consideration 
of  the  world  powers.  The  principles  which 
underlie  the  right  of  self-determination  must 
be  applied  universally  if  they  are  to  be 
applied  at  all.  The  doctrines  which  President 
Wilson  has  been  preaching  and  for  which 
America  has  so  solidly  stood  throughout  the 
war,  and  which  are  now  being  promulgated 
by  the  League  of  Nations,  are  mere  words  if 
they  can  not  be  applied  concretely.  No  na- 
tion in  the  world  has  a better  claim  to  inde- 
pendence than  Korea.  It  is  therefore  timely 
to  consider  the  plight  of  this  people. 

Treaties  have  not  protected  her — the  national 
Korean  archives  must  hold  an  interesting  col- 
lection of  these  pacts  between  nations,  for 
which,  in  the  case  of  Korea,  the  phrase,  “scraps 
of  paper”  most  aptly  applies. 

Coming  down  to  the  present  through  fourteen 
years  of  Japanese  domination,  sometimes 
termed  “benevolent  assimilation,”  Koreans  find 
this  to  he  the  present  tragic  condition  of  their 
national  existence: 

Their  richest  lands  rapidly  passing 
under  private  and  Japanese  Government 
ownership. 

The  Korean  language  abolished  from 
the  public  schools,  with  the  substitution 
of  Japanese. 


2 

Korean  scholars  not  permitted  the 
higher  education. 

The  history  of  a proud  Korea  ex- 
cluded from  the  schools  to  make  way  for 
Japanese  culture. 

All  Koreans  forced  to  salute  the  Jap- 
anese flag  and  to  worship  the  Japanese 
Emperor’s  tablet. 

Constant  and  bitter  persecution  of 
Christianity  in  all  its  activities — both  in 
its  distinctively  religious  activities  and 
in  its  social  and  educational  work — while 
official  sanction  is  given  Buddhist  and 
Shinto  propagandists. 

Japanese  in  control  of  all  business  and 
industry. 

Constant  inhumane  treatment  of  any 
Korean  who  exhibits  outwardly  his  en- 
deavor to  remain  Korean. 

Unable  longer  to  endure  these  conditions, 
the  Koreans,  in  a wonderful  movement  which 
was  spontaneous  and  nation-wide,  without  in- 
trigue or  force  of  arms,  has  not  only  de- 
clared its  independence  and  set  up  a pro- 
visional government,  but  has  convinced  the 
world  that  the  Korean  people  desire  free- 
dom from  the  Japanese  yoke  and  that  they 
are  no  longer  able  to  endure  Japanese  dom- 
ination. 

This  passive  resistance  movement  of  the 
Koreans  is  a striking  illustration  of  the 
spirit  of  this  unique  people.  It  comes  of  an 
old  national  custom  of  other  centuries,  when 
the  populace,  protesting  against  some  royal 
decree,  assembled  in  front  of  the  Emperor’s 
palace  and  sat  in  silence  for  days  and  nights 
until  their  appeal  was  answered. 

Even  Japanese  militarism  and  brutality 
may  find  it  hard  to  beat  down  this  move- 
ment, which  is  the  expression  of  the  undying 
spirit  of  a race  with  an  intense  national  con- 
sciousness. 

The  events  leading  from  an  established  pro- 
tectorate over  Korea  to  her  annexation  as  a 
vassal  state  are  of  historical  record,  yet  a re- 
view of  them  tells  a tragic  story  of  the  ruth- 
less and  cruel  triumph  of  a stronger  nation 
over  a weaker — this  is  the  tragedy  of  Korea. 

With  the  Russo-Japanese  wTar  came  an  offi- 
cial communication  to  all  the  powers  from  the 


3 


Japanese  Government,  setting  forth  in  the  most 
solemn  and  formal  manner  the  Japanese  inten- 
tions to  “definitely  guarantee  the  independence 
and  territorial  integrity  of  the  Korean  Empire.’’ 
A treaty  was  made  in  August,  1904,  which 
strengthened  Japan’s  hold  upon  the  country  un- 
der the  guise  of  improvements  in  administra- 
tion. Japanese  money  was  to  be  legal  tender 
in  Korea,  the  Korean  army  of  20,000  was  re- 
duced to  1,000;  all  garrisons  were  abolished, 
and  a Japanese  official  exercised  the  right  of 
eminent  domain. 

Japanese  Treaty-Making. 

THE  treaty  between  Japan  and  Korea, 
signed  November  17,  1905,  speaks  for  itself 
as  a document  which  gave  notice  to  the 
world  that  the  sovereignty  of  Korea  had  passed 
and  that  the  country  had  become  a Japanese 
state.  The  manner  of  making  the  treaty,  how- 
ever, furnishes  the  indisputable  evidence  of  the 
imperialistic  intentions  of  Japan  toward  Korea 
and  the  reasons  for  her  established  protectorate. 

Early  in  November  of  1907,  Marquis  Ito  ar- 
rived in  Seoul  as  a special  envoy  from  the  Em- 
peror of  Japan,  presenting  a series  of  demands, 
drawn  in  treaty  form.  By  the  demands  Korea 
was  to  surrender  her  independence  as  a nation, 
and  was  to  give  control  of  her  internal  adminis- 
tration to  the  Japanese. 

The  Emperor  and  his  cabinet  ministers  were 
aghast,  but  they  remained  firm  in  their  refusals 
to  agree  to  the  demands.  After  hours  of  per- 
suasive argument  on  the  part  of  the  Japanese 
envoy  that  the  treaty  should  be  immediately 
signed  to  assure  the  peace  of  the  East,  the 
Emperor  spoke: 

“Assent  to  your  proposal  would  mean 
the  ruin  of  my  country,  and  I will  there- 
fore sooner  die  than  agree  to  them.” 

The  ministers  also  held  out  until  the  Jap- 
anese suggested  an  immediate  cabinet  meeting 
at  the  palace  in  the  presence  of  the  Emperor. 
This  was  on  the  afternoon  of  November  17, 
1905. 

F.  A.  McKenzie,  the  British  journalist  and 
authority  on  Eastern  political  subjects,  and  who 
was  in  Korea  at  this  time,  gives  the  following 


4 


chronicle  of  the  ill-fated  cabinet  meeting  of  that 
November  afternoon: 

“All  this  time  the  Japanese  Army  had 
been  making  a great  display  of  military 
force  around  the  palace.  All  the  Japanese 
troops  in  the  district  had  been  for  days 
parading  the  streets  and  open  places  front- 
ing the  Imperial  residence.  The  field  guns 
were  out,  and  the  men  were  fully  armed. 
They  marched,  counter-marched,  stormed, 
made  feint  attacks,  occupied  the  gates,  put 
their  guns  in  position,  and  did  everything, 
short  of  actual  violence,  that  they  could  to 
demonstrate  to  the  Koreans  that  they  were 
able  to  enforce  their  demands. 

“To  the  cabinet  ministers  themselves, 
and  to  the  Emperor,  all  this  display  had 
a sinister  and  terrible  meaning.  They 
could  not  forget  the  night  in  1895,  when 
Japanese  soldiers  had  paraded  around 
another  palace,  and  when  their  picked 
bullies  had  forced  their  way  inside  and 
murdered  the  Queen.  Japan  had  done 
this  before;  why  should  she  not  do  it 
again?  Not  one  of  those  resisting  the 
will  of  Dai  Nippon  but  saw  the  sword  in 
front  of  his  eyes,  and  heard  in  imagina- 
tion a hundred  times  during  the  day  the 
rattle  of  Japanese  bullets. 

“That  evening,  Japanese  soldiers,  with 
fixed  bayonets,  entered  the  courtyard  of 
the  palace  and  stood  near  the  apartment 
of  the  Emperor.  Marquis  Ito  now  arrived, 
accompanied  by  General  Hasegawa,  com- 
mander of  the  Japanese  Army  in  Korea, 
and  a fresh  attack  was  started  on  the 
cabinet  ministers. 

“The  Marquis  demanded  an  audience  of 
the  Emperor.  The  Emperor  refused  to 
grant  it,  saying  that  his  throat  was  very 
bad,  and  he  was  in  great  pain.  The  Mar- 
quis then  made  his  way  into  the  Emperor's 
presence  and  personally  requested  an  au- 
dience. The  Emperor  still  refused.  ‘Please 
go  away  and  discuss  the  matter  with  the 
cabinet  ministers,’  he  said. 

“Thereupon  Marquis  Ito  went  outside  to 
the  ministers.  ‘Your  Emperor  has  com- 
manded you  to  confer  with  me  and  settle 
this  matter,’  he  declared. 


5 


“A  fresh  conference  was  opened.  The 
presence  of  the  soldiers,  the  gleaming  of 
the  bayonets  outside,  the  harsh  words  of 
command  that  could  be  heard  through  the 
windows  of  the  palace  buildings,  were  not 
without  their  effect. 

Diplomats  Remain  Silent. 

ministers  had  fought  for  days  and 
they  had  fought  alone.  No  single 

* foreign  representative  had  offered 
them  help  or  counsel.  They  saw  submis- 
sion or  destruction  before  them.  * * * 

Signs  of  yielding  began  to  appear. 

“The  acting  prime  minister,  Han  Kew 
Sul,  jumped  to  his  feet  and  said  he  would 
go  and  tell  the  Emperor  of  the  talk  of 
traitors.  Han  Kew  Sul  was  allowed  to 
leave  the  room  and  then  was  gripped  by 
the  Japanese  Secretary  of  the  Legation, 
thrown  into  a side  room  and  threatened 
with  death.  Even  Marquis  Ito  went  out  to 
him  to  persuade  him.  ‘Would  you  not 
yield,’  the  Marquis  said,  ‘if  your  Emperor 
commanded  you?’  ‘No,’  said  Han  Kew  Sul, 
‘not  even  then!’ 

“This  was  enough.  The  Marquis  at  once 
went  to  the  Emperor.  ‘Han  Kew  Sul  is  a 
traitor,'  he  said.  ‘He  defies  you,  and  de- 
clares that  he  will  not  obey  your  com- 
mands.’ 

“Meanwhile  the  remaining  cabinet  min- 
isters waited  in  the  cabinet  chamber. 
Where  was  their  leader,  the  man  who  had 
urged  them  all  to  resist  to  the  death? 
Minute  after  minute  passed,  and  still  he 
did  not  return.  Then  a whisper  w'ent 
around  that  the  Japanese  had  killed  him. 
The  harsh  voices  of  the  Japanese  grew  still 
more  strident.  Courtesy  and  restraint 
were  thrown  off.  ‘Agree  with  us  and  be 
rich;  or  oppose  us  and  perish.’ 

“Pak  Che  Sun,  one  of  the  Korean  states- 
men, was  the  last  to  yield.  But  even  he 
finally  gave  wray. 

"In  the  early  hours  of  the  morning  com- 
mands were  issued  that  the  seal  of  State 
should  be  brought  from  the  Foreign  Min- 
ister's apartment,  and  a treaty  should  be 
signed.  Here  another  difficulty  arose.  The 


6 


custodian  of  the  seal  had  received  orders 
in  advance  that,  even  if  his  master  com- 
manded, the  seal  was  not  to  be  surrendered 
for  any  such  purpose.  When  telephonic 
orders  were  sent  to  him  he  refused  to  bring 
the  seal  along,  and  special  messengers  had 
to  be  dispatched  to  take  it  from  him  by 
force. 

“The  Emperor  himself  asserts  to  this  day 
that  he  did  not  consent.” 

A native  newspaper  of  Seoul,  the  “Whang 
Sung  Shinmun,”  printed  a true  account  of  what 
had  taken  place.  The  paper  was  immediately 
suppressed  and  its  editor  thrown  into  prison, 
but  in  its  last  issue  it  voiced  the  wail  of  Korea, 
when  the  signing  of  the  treaty  became  known, 
with  this  closing  paragraph: 

“Is  it  worth  while  for  any  of  us  to 
live  any  longer?  Our  people  have  be- 
come the  slaves  of  others,  and  the  spirit 
of  a nation  which  has  stood  for  4,000 
years,  since  the  days  of  Tan  Kun  and 
Ke-ja,  has  perished  in  a single  night. 
Alas!  fellow-countrymen.  Alas!” 

Treaty  a Finished  Document. 

Here  is  the  treaty: 

THE  Japanese  and  Korean  Governments, 
being  desirous  of  strengthening  the 
identity  of  interests  which  unite  the  two 
empires,  have,  with  the  same  end  in  view, 
agreed  upon  the  following  articles,  which  will 
remain  binding  until  the  power  and  prosperity 
of  Korean  are  recognized  as  having  been  fully 
established: 

I.  The  Japanese  Government,  through  the 
Foreign  Office  at  Tokyo,  will  henceforward  take 
control  and  direct  the  foreign  relations  and  af- 
fairs of  Korea,  and  Japanese  diplomatic  repre- 
sentatives and  Consuls  will  protect  the  subjects 
and  interests  of  Korea  abroad. 

II.  The  Japanese  Government  will  take  upon 
itself  the  duty  of  carrying  out  the  existing 
treaties  between  Korea  and  foreign  countries, 
and  the  Korean  Government  binds  itself  not  to 
negotiate  any  treaty  or  agreement  of  a diplo- 
matic nature  without  the  intermediary  of  the 
JaDanese  Government. 


7 


III.  (a)  The  Japanese  Government  will  ap- 
point under  His  Majesty  the  Emperor  of  Korea 
a Resident-General  as  its  representative,  who 
will  remain  in  Seoul  chiefly  to  administer  diplo- 
matic affairs,  with  the  prerogative  of  having 
private  audience  with  Ilis  Majesty  the  Emperor 
of  Korea. 

(b)  The  Japanese  Government  is  entitled  to 
appoint  a Resident  to  every  Korean  open  port 
and  other  places  where  the  presence  of  such 
Resident  is  considered  necessary.  These  Resi- 
dents, under  the  supervision  of  the  Resident- 
General,  will  administer  all  the  duties  hitherto 
appertaining  to  Japanese  Consulates  in  Korea 
and  all  other  affairs  necessary  for  the  satis- 
factory fulfillment  of  the  provisions  of  this 
treaty. 

IV.  All  the  existing  treaties  and  agreements 
between  Japan  and  Korea,  within  limits  not 
prejudicial  to  the  provisions  of  this  treaty,  will 
remain  in  force. 

V.  The  Japanese  Government  guarantees  to 
maintain  the  security  and  respect  the  dignity 
of  the  Korean  Imperial  House. 


Treaty  Completes  Iron  Rule. 

ANOTHER  treaty  was  necessary  for  the 
complete  subjugation  of  the  country. 
The  Japanese  resident  officials  were  ex- 
ercising a stronger  constraint  upon  the  personal 
life  of  the  Emperor  and  he  was  now  surrounded 
by  all  Japanese  guards  and  attendants  and  no 
one  was  allowed  to  visit  the  palace  without  an 
order  signed  by  a Japanese  official.  The  Em- 
peror had  secretly  dispatched  envoys  to  The 
Hague  to  appeal  to  the  powers  for  the  protec- 
tion of  the  autonomy  of  Korea.  They  failed  in 
securing  a hearing,  for  the  diplomatic  inter- 
course with  nations  was  a game  in  which  they 
were  without  knowledge. 

The  Emperor,  at  last  weary  of  combating  the 
ever-increasing  rule  of  the  Japanese  and  see- 
ing little  hope  of  intervention  by  the  powers, 
abdicated  in  favor  of  his  son,  a mental  incompe- 
tent. The  old  Emperor  had  played  into  the 
hands  of  his  oppressors,  and  in  less  than  a 
week,  with  the  same  show  of  force  which  had 
characterized  the  treaty  of  1905,  a new  treaty 
had  been  signed. 


8 

This  treaty,  signed  July  24,  1907,  tells  its 
own  story.  It  follows: 

The  Government  of  Japan  and  the  Govern- 
ment of  Korea,  with  the  object  of  speedily  pro- 
viding for  the  power  and  wealth  of  Korea  and 
also  of  promoting  the  welfare  of  the  Korean 
people,  have  agreed  on  the  following  articles: 

I.  The  Government  of  Korea  shall  follow  the 
guidance  of  the  Resident-General  in  affecting 
administrative  reforms. 

II.  All  the  laws  to  be  enacted  and  all  im- 
portant administrative  measures  to  be  under- 
taken by  the  Korean  Government  shall  pre- 
viously receive  the  consent  and  approval  of  the 
Resident-General. 

III.  Distinction  shall  be  observed  between 
the  administration  of  justice  by  the  Govern- 
ment of  Korea  and  the  business  of  ordinary 
administration. 

IV.  The  appointment  and  dismissal  of  high 
officials  of  Korea  shall  be  at  the  pleasure  of  the 
Resident-General. 

V.  The  Government  of  Korea  shall  appoint 
to  the  Government  offices  of  Korea  any  Jap-‘ 
anese  the  Resident-General  may  recommend. 

VI.  The  Government  of  Korea  shall  engage 
no  foreigner  without  the  consent  of  the  Resi- 
dent-General. 

RESIDENT-GENERAL  ITO. 

PRIME  MINISTER  YI. 

From  this  last  treaty  to  the  complete  subjuga- 
tion of  Korea  was  but  a step,  easily  bridged  by 
the  Japanese.  A complete  control  of  business 
and  commerce,  the  absolute  .administration  of 
government,  without  a Korean  voice  in  politi- 
cal, religious  or  educational  affairs,  made  an- 
nexation of  Korea  by  Japan  on  August  29, 
1910,  a matter  that  failed  to  draw  international 
attention  toward  the  East. 

Here  the  external  history  of  Korea  ended, 
but  the  national  consciousness  of  the  nation 
has  kept  constantly  alive  the  hope  of  regaining 
the  nation’s  place  among  nations.  Although 
having  lost  international  recognition,  matters 
purely  affecting  Korean  nationals  had  the  at- 
tention of  Korean  leaders  regardless  of  Japa- 
nese Government  action.  There  are  many  in- 
stances of  this  Korean  activity,  one  instance  in 
connection  with  the  records  of  the  American 


9 


Department  of  State  being  of  sufficient  inter- 
est to  repeat  here. 

In  the  summer  of  1913  eleven  Korean  labor- 
ers were  employed  as  fruit  pickers  to  work  in 
Riverside  county,  California.  Alighting  from 
a train  at  the  station  of  Hemet,  they  were 
met  by  white  laborers  of  the  district,  who 
forced  them  to  leave  by  the  first  returning 
train. 

The  affair  came  to  the  attention  of  the  Japa- 
nese Consulate-General  in  San  Francisco  and 
he  immediately  made  representations  to  the 
State  Department  in  behalf  of  the  Japanese 
Government,  demanding  indemnity  for  the 
treatment  accorded  the  Koreans. 

This  was  at  a time  when  a discussion  of  the 
proposed  California  land  law  occupied  the  at- 
tention of  statesmen. 

A report  of  the  affair  also  reached  the  Ko- 
rean National  Association,  of  which  the  Rev. 
David  Lee  was  president.  From  Dr.  Lee’s  of- 
fices in  San  Francisco  he  sent  the  following 
telegram  to  Washington: 

“To  the  Honorable  William  Jenning  Bryan, 
Secretary  of  State: 

"I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  of  the 
recent  expulsion  of  Korean  laborers  from 
Hemet,  California,  and  to  address  you 
concerning  the  Japanese  Consulate-Gen- 
eral’s demand  for  indemnity.  We,  the 
Koreans  in  America,  are  not  Japanese  sub- 
jects, for  wre  left  Korea  before  the  annexa- 
tion of  Korea  by  Japan,  and  we  will  never 
submit  to  her  as  long  as  the  sun  remains 
in  the  heavens. 

“The  intervention  by  the  Japanese  Con- 
sulate-General in  Korean  matters  is  il- 
legal, so  I have  the  honor  of  requesting 
you  to  discontinue  the  discussion  of  this 
case  with  the  Japanese  Government  rep- 
resentatives. If  there  is  any  financial 
question  between  the  Koreans  and  the  per- 
sons w'ho  expelled  our  laborers  we  will 
settle  it  without  Japanese  interference. 

“Yours  most  respectfully, 

“(Signed)  DAVID  LEE, 

“President,  Korean  National  Association 
of  North  America,  June  30,  1913.” 


10 


That  the  American  Government  took  the 
same  view  of  the  status  of  Korean  nationals  in 
this  country  as  did  the  Korean  leaders  is  evi- 
denced by  the  following  news  dispatch  sent  out 
from  Washington  the  day  following  the  receipt 
of  Dr.  Lee’s  telegram: 

“WASHINGTON,  July  1—  Investigation 
by  agents  of  the  State  Department  of  the 
recent  expulsion  of  several  Korean  fruit 
pickers  from  Hemet,  Calif.,  was  ordered 
discontinued  today  and  the  incident  is 
considered  closed. 

“Secretary  Bryan,  who  had  ordered  the 
inquiry  on  his  own  initiative,  particularly 
on  account  of  the  pending  negotiations  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  Japan  over  the 
California  alien  land  legislation,  received  a 
telegram  from  David  Lee,  president  of  the 
Korean  National  Association,  informing 
him  that  the  Koreans  involved  were  not 
Japanese  subjects  because  they  had  left 
their  native  land  before  it  was  annexed  by 
Japan.’’ 

This  fact  alone  is  proof  that  the  Koreans 
never  have  submitted  to  Japanese  sovereignty. 

Educational  Control  First. 

THE  Japanese  official  mind  knew  Korean 
thought  on  culture  and  scholarly  achieve- 
ment, hence  the  educational  system  of  the 
country  first  received  official  attention.  The 
sacred  right  of  freedom  of  thought  and  educa- 
tion was  denied  the  Korean  even  in  the  early 
days  of  the  Japanese  occupation,  and  this,  in 
large  measure,  has  resulted  in  the  present 
movement. 

Quoting  an  American  student: 

“Japan  has  steadily  made  enemies  of  the 
Koreans  when  she  might  have  made  friends. 
After  another  year,  for  instance,  they  will  not 
be  permitted  to  learn  their  own  language  in 
schools.  They  must  use  Japanese  exclusively. 
* * * In  countless  other  ways,  following 

the  German  system  of  treating  a conquered 
people,  the  Japanese  have  outraged  the  pride 
and  sentiment  of  the  Koreans  when  the  ac- 
tion would  not  seem  necessary  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  Japanese  sovereignty.” 


11 


The  only  text  books  now  in  use  in  schools  are 
those  published  in  Japan  and  having  official 
Government  sanction.  Branches  taught  by  Jap- 
anese, or  Japanese-speaking  Koreans,  are  utili- 
tarian without  chance  for  scholarly  advance- 
ment. Japanese  history  alone  is  permitted  in 
the  schools,  all  Korean  and  Western  world  his- 
tory being  under  an  official  ban,  and  all  holi- 
days and  observances  are  of  the  Japanese. 

The  Korean  youth,  showing  promise  of  schol- 
arly attainments,  is  not  permitted  to  go  abroad 
for  study.  In  fact,  they  cannot  reach  a West- 
ern college  even  by  subterfuge,  for  they  are 
not  permitted  to  leave  the  country.  A few,  to 
satisfy  Koreans  who  have  remained  known 
to  the  nation,  are  permitted  to  study  in  Japan. 

Korea  wants  freedom  of  education,  for  It  has 
been  her  one  sure  means  of  maintaining  her 
distinctive  nationalism. 


Restriction  of  Religious  Freedom. 

RESTRICTION  of  religious  freedom  was 
Japan's  next  step. 

Volumes  could  be  written  of  this  phase 
of  the  Korean  struggle,  this  fact  merely  em- 
phasizing the  importance  of  religious  control  as 
viewed  by  Japanese  officialdom.  Japanese  of- 
ficial suppression  of  religious  freedom  extends 
to  forbidding  pastors  of  any  faith  to  preach 
without  a license  from  the  Japanese  Govern- 
ment, and  no  religious  gathering  of  more  than 
five  persons  may  be  held  without  official  Gov- 
ernment sanction.  This  extends  even  to  the 
missions,  in  many  cases. 

Japanese  police  authorities  keep  complete  cop- 
ies of  church  rolls  and  secretly  harass  and  in- 
timidate young  men  and  women  active  in 
church  and  mission  work.  Theological  students, 
upon  graduation  from  the  mission  seminaries, 
must  secure  a license  from  the  Japanese  Gov- 
ernment and  often  this  is  denied  if  the  student 
is  thought  to  be  a patriot. 

Christianity,  especially,  comes  under  this  of- 
ficial suppression,  for  the  Japanese  fear  the 
democratic  and  liberty-loving  teachings  coming 
from  it. 


12 


Business  Conquest  a Triumph  of  Greed. 

SYSTEMATIC  and  greedy  exploitation  ex- 
tends to  every  phase  of  Korean  life.  All 
matters  of  business  are  viewed  from  a 
Japanese  and  not  a Korean  point  of  view  and 
the  result  is  that  after  fourteen  years  of  such 
exploitation  little  remains  in  Korea  for  the 
Koreans. 

Japanese  agents  secure  concessions  on  the 
most  generous  terms,  while  an  official  control 
of  the  nation’s  per  capita  finances  makes  com- 
petition, so  far  as  Koreans  are  concerned,  a 
shadowy  possibility.  Emigration  laws,  land- 
holding  regulations  and  administrative  meas- 
ures affecting  the  vital  existence  of  the  nation 
are  made  with  sole  regard  for  the  Japanese. 
Any  thought  of  Korean  participation  in  busi- 
ness affairs  has  not  found  lodgment  during  the 
past  few  years. 

The  present  economic  outlook  from  the  Korean 
point  of  view  is  tragic.  Industrial  serfdom 
faces  the  people. 

The  Koreans  are  a patient  people,  but  this 
condition  has  proved  too  much  for  them,  and 
they  have  risen.  On  March  1 they  announced 
to  the  world  in  a proclamation  signed  by  thirty- 
three  Korean  educational  and  religious  leaders 
that  they  had  determined  to  work  out  their 
own  national  destiny  as  an  independent  na- 
tion. 

So  united  is  the  Korean  mind  on  the  inde- 
pendence movement  that  the  public  announce- 
ments of  passive  resistance  to  future  Japanese 
rule  were  attended  with  spontaneous  demon- 
strations thruout  the  entire  country.  The 
demonstrations  have  grown  and  spread  until 
the  entire  nation  is  as  one  for  freedom. 

The  Japanese  have  met  the  peaceable  gather- 
ings of  the  Korean  demonstrators  with  force 
and  armed  aggression.  Korean  lives  have  been 
sacrificed,  and  probably  many  more  will  be  sac- 
rificed before  a realization  comes  to  Japan  that 
there  can  be  no  assimilation  of  this  people. 

The  leaders,  voicing  the  sentiment  of  the 
Korean  people,  say  an  empty  land  may  b©  won 
by  Japan,  but  never  the  people  with  it.  This 
is  the  soul  of  Korea  speaking,  and  it  must 
triumph. 


13 


The  following  editorial  from  “The  Recorder,’’ 
San  Francisco,  of  April  8,  1919,  is  a clear  and 
accurate  statement  of  the  facts  concerning 
Japan’s  position  in  and  toward  Korea.  It  is 
from  the  pen  of  the  Managing  Editor,  Mr. 
Andrew  Y.  Wood,  and  puts  the  question  directly 
to  the  Western  world:  Is  self  determination 

all  inclusive,  or  is  it  only  for  the  subject  peoples 
of  Europe?  Are  the  principles  of  liberty  and 
humanity  for  the  peoples  of  Europe  and  the 
Western  world  alone,  or  are  they  equally  appli- 
cable to  the  people  of  Asia,  suffering  as  did  Bel- 
gium, under  the  heel  of  the  Hun?  This  ques- 
tion is  one  that  must  be  answered  if  justice  is 
to  mean  anything  as  between  nations. 

From  “The  Recorder,’’  San  Francisco,  Tues- 
day, April  8,  1919. 

KOREA’S  DEMAND  FOR  SELF-DETER- 
MINATION. 

With  the  development  of  the  doctrine  of  self- 
determination  there  has  come  a recrudescence 
of  nationality  in  Korea,  the  Hermit  Kingdom, 
the  Land  of  the  Morning  Calm,  that  has  mani- 
fested itself  in  rioting  in  Seoul  and  other  large 
centers,  the  establishment  of  revolutionary 
headquarters  in  Siberia  and  in  the  sending  of 
a delegate  to  the  Peace  Conference  at  Paris 
with  a plea  for  recognition  of  the  rights  of  the 
Korean  people  to  govern  themselves  without  the 
interference  of  Japan. 

The  Occidental  world  has  very  little  au- 
thentic information  concerning  things  Oriental 
and  less  concerning  affairs  in  Korea,  particu- 
larly since  Japan  exercised  the  power  of  the 
strong  and  annexed  the  Hermit  Kingdom  and 
made  it  a part  of  Greater  Nippon.  About  all 
that  the  world  has  learned  of  the  situation  in 
Korea  since  that  time  has  come  from  Japanese 
sources  and  in  Japanese  government  reports. 
American  writers,  publicists  and  travelers  have 
paid  little  attention  to  Korea  except  to  com- 
ment, as  did  Dr.  David  Starr  Jordan  a number 
of  years  ago,  upon  the  betterment  of  material 
conditions  in  Korea  under  Japanese  rule.  This, 
however,  without  defending  the  means  by  which 
Japan  seized  Korea  with  the  aid  of  the  old  cor- 
rupt and  inefficient  Korean  government. 

Nor  have  native  Koreans  lifted  up  their 
voices  in  the  forum  of  the  world  outside  of 


14 


their  own  country,  altho  there  is  a small  but 
highly  intelligent  colony  of  Koreans  in  San 
Francisco  devoted  to  the  spread  of  Korean  na- 
tionality and  the  promulgation  of  propaganda 
concerning  their  native  country.  Most  of  their 
work,  however,  seems  to  have  been  among  their 
own  people.  Now,  however,  the  Korean  people, 
having  gained  strength  with  their  restored 
ideals  of  nationality,  are  speaking  freely  in  the 
forums  of  the  world  and  telling  of  their  aspira- 
tions for  self-determination  and  relief  from  the 
Japanese  yoke. 

Korea  is  but  a pawn  in  Japan’s  game  for 
position  in  the  Orient.  Expediency  was  the  sole 
excuse  made  by  Japan  to  the  world  for  seizing 
and  annexing  the  Korean  peninsula.  The  rights 
of  the  Korean  people  cut  no  figure  in  the  face 
of  Japan’s  political  ambition;  Japan  deemed 
Korea  necessary  for  her  “safety”  and  so  she 
took  possession,  “with  the  consent  of  the  Ko- 
rean government,”  according  to  an  ironic  state- 
ment issued  by  the  Japanese  foreign  office  at 
the  time,  but  without  consulting  the  Korean 
people. 

The  historic  sequence  of  events  may  not  be 
familiar.  Korea  for  years  had  been  under  the 
domination  of  China;  when  the  Japanese  power 
began  to  grow  and  Japanese  foreign  policy  to 
develop,  the  natural  riches  of  Korea  attracted 
Japan  and  the  seeming  lethargy  of  the  people, 
ground  by  unjust  and  dishonest  rulers,  pointed 
to  that  peninsula  as  a favorable  outlet  for  Jap- 
anese colonization  because  affording  vast  stores 
of  coal  and  iron.  Economically  the  situation 
was  very  similar  to  that  of  Germany  and 
France,  that  resulted  in  the  taking  of  Alsace- 
Lorraine  for  their  great  economic  deposits  of 
valuable  ores. 

Korea  was  one  of  the  bones  of  contention  in 
the  Chino-Japanese  war,  in  1894,  and  it  was 
distrust  of  the  growing  Russian  influence  in 
Korea  that  resulted  in  the  Russo-Japanese  war 
in  1904.  At  that  time  the  Korean  government 
consented  to  the  occupation  of  the  peninsula 
by  Japan  for  the  period  of  the  war,  with  every 
assurance  on  the  part  of  Japan  that  at  the  end 
of  the  war  she  would  withdraw.  On  February 
3,  1904,  a treaty  wras  entered  into  between 
Japan  and  Korea  by  which  Japan  guaranteed 
the  safety,  independence  and  territorial  in- 
tegrity of  Korea;  on  August  22,  1904,  Japan 


15 


took  charge  of  Korean  financial  and  diplomatic 
affairs;  on  November  17,  1905,  control  of  all 
Korean  foreign  affairs  passed  to  Japan  and  the 
Mikado’s  government  embarked  upon  a policy 
of  gradual  absorption.  The  appearance  at  The 
Hague  tribunal  in  1907  of  an  unofficial  Korean 
delegation  seeking  Korea’s  rights  as  an  inde- 
pendent nation  was  seized  upon  by  Japan  as  a 
violation  of  its  treaties  with  Korea  and  made 
the  basis  of  a successful  demand  for  the  abdi- 
cation of  the  Emperor  of  Korea;  on  July  25, 
1907,  Korea  was  reduced  to  the  position  of  a 
Japanese  province  with  Marquis  Ito  as  the  first 
resident-general  and  Japan  embarked  upon  a 
policy  of  political,  economic  and  social  reforms; 
on  August  27,  1910,  Japan  formally  annexed 
Korea,  declaring  that  so  long  as  Korea  was  out- 
side of  the  Japanese  empire  it  was  impossible 
to  effect  the  desired  reforms,  so  it  was  “benevo- 
lently assimilated,”  again  “with  the  consent  of 
the  Korean  government,”  an  institution  that 
was  absolutely  under  the  control  and  domina- 
tion of  Japan.  The  attitude  of  the  Korean  peo- 
ple toward  this  proceeding  was  manifested  in 
rioting  and  mob  violence  which  was  put  down 
with  a ruthless  hand  by  the  Japanese  military 
chiefs. 

These  actions  on  the  part  of  Japan  were  not 
without  protest  upon  the  part  of  the  people  of 
Korea.  Strong  representations  were  made  to 
the  United  States  government,  which,  in  1882, 
had  made  a treaty  agreeing  to  protect  Korea 
from  aggression,  but  our  government  chose  to 
ignore  its  obligations  under  the  treaty  sooner 
than  enter  into  a controversy  with  Japan  over 
a matter  that  was  considered  within  Japan’s 
sphere  of  influence.  The  delegation  to  The 
Hague  tribunal  was,  thru  the  influence  of 
Japan,  denied  a hearing  and  Japan  was  left 
with  a free  hand  to  do  with  Korea  as  she 
would. 

Since  that  time  little  information  concerning 
Korea  and  its  internal  condition  has  reached 
the  ears  of  the  outside  world  save  thru  the 
medium  of  Japanese  government  reports. 
American  authorities,  without  defending 
Japan’s  action  in  seizing  Korea,  for  that  is  in- 
defensible on  any  basis  of  equity  and  ethics, 
seem  to  concur  that  the  Japanese  administra- 
tion of  affairs  has  been  for  the  material  well- 
being of  the  Hermit  Kingdom.  The  currency 


IS 


has  been  put  upon  a stable  basis,  railroads 
have  been  built,  schools  have  been  established, 
altho  with  Japanese  teachers,  industry  and 
commerce  encouraged,  mines  opened  and  many 
other  avenues  of  economic  advantage  opened, 
but  always  for  the  benefit  of  Japanese  capital. 

In  the  eyes  of  the  Koreans  these  things  do 
not  compensate  for  the  loss  of  their  nationality 
nor  reconcile  them  to  being  a subject  people. 
Western  ideas  have  entered  largely  into  Korea 
in  recent  years  through  the  establishment  of 
Christian  churches  and  schools,  and  the  revo- 
lutionary party  in  Korea  has  been  largely  re- 
cruited from  among  the  Christian  converts  who 
are  the  brains  of  the  movement. 

Japan,  with  German  thoroughness,  has  used 
every  effort  to  suppress  the  aspirations  of  the 
Koreans  for  national  independence  and  in  the 
military  activities  following  the  recent  rising 
in  Seoul  has  ruthlessly  repressed  the  people  and 
punished  those  who  were  engaged  or  suspected 
of  taking  part  in  the  revolutionary  movement. 
In  fact,  ever  since  her  occupation  of  Korea, 
Japan  has  sought  to  Prussianize  the  country 
by  preventing  by  law  any  teaching  that  might 
keep  alive  the  idea  of  Korean  nationality.  It 
was  a regime  of  force,  an  orgy  of  terrorism,  that 
kept  the  Korean  people  within  hounds;  hut  the 
world  was  not  permitted  to  hear  or  know  of  it. 

Self-determination  is  one  of  the  accepted  poli- 
cies of  the  Peace  Conference.  It  is  just  as  im- 
portant to  the  world  that  democracy  should  be 
safe  in  Korea  as  it  is  that,  for  the  protection 
of  the  balance  of  power  in  Europe,  the  national 
aspirations  of  Poland,  Czecho-Slovakia  and 
Jugo-Slavia  should  be  recognized.  The  Koreans, 
notwithstanding  the  assertions  of  certain  emi- 
nent Japanese  at  present  in  this  country,  are 
capable  of  self-government  and  are  entitled  to  it 
unless  the  Peace  Conference  is  going  to  put  the 
Far  East  and  its  subject  nations  upon  a differ- 
ent basis  from  those  of  Eastern  Europe.  Such  a 
result  would  be  a stultification  of  all  of  the  prin- 
ciples for  which  the  war  wras  fought  and  upon 
which  the  world  expects  peace  to  be  established. 


/ 


519  Hewes  Building 
San  Francisco,  Calif.,  U.  S.  A. 


